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Exploring Japanese Anime
Chapter 1: What is Anime-A Brief Introduction
When Westerners are asked to think of associations with Japanese culture, they often mention anime. But many Westerners, if pressed, would have a difficult time defining Anime in Japan is defined as any piece of animation; however, in America it is considered to be any piece of Japanese animation specifically.
The anime that is widely known as being the first is Osama Tezuka's Astro Boy, which aired on New Year's Day in 1963. Astro Boy has been rebooted a few times since its premiere, but the original is set in the far distant future and features a scientist who loses his son in a car crash, and builds a robot son to replace him.
Figure 1. Astro Boy, the protagonist.
According to the creator, Astro Boy represented his feelings of anti-war, the preservation of nature, and discrimination. It also represented Japan’s ever-present fear of atomic power, thanks to the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki (Miyao, 2). Astro Boy was subsequently followed by Uchu-senkan Yamato and Tomino Yoshiyuki’s Kido-senshi Gandamu, or Mobile-Suit Gundam (1979). Mobile-Suit Gundam, similar to Astro Boy, took place in the far-off future where people fought battles in giant robots--also known as mecha in Japan.
Despite their decidedly dark tone, these shows cemented anime’s early reputation as science fiction for children. As this book will explore later in chapter 4, this reputation would be a difficult one to shake, even as anime crossed over to the West.
Chapter 2 of this book will cover female representation in anime and how intended audience can influence the presentation of these characters. Additionally, this chapter will look at how female representation in anime has changed to reflect a changing Japanese society. Chapter 3 of this book will cover the genre of yaoi and how this anime genre is tied to Japanese female fantasy and need to escape from reality.
But how has this anime been received in other cultures? To attempt to answer this question, chapter 4 of this book will cover the Westernization of anime. It will begin by discussing how authentic the anime that travels overseas truly is, and will then introduce the concept of how anime is marketed to children and how those children grow up to interpret anime. Finally, it will focus on how Western media has been influenced by anime.
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Chapter 2: Female Representation in Japanese Anime
Introduction
Popular culture is defined as “the culture of the masses,” and typically “tells us something about contemporary…behavior” (Boden 1). As a large part of Japan’s popular culture, Japanese anime has become increasingly popular throughout the world, particularly in the West. As a pop culture phenomenon, Japanese anime has had far-reaching impacts on different countries, having been “exported to many countries, influencing their popular cultures, children, youth, and the ways of the people” (Ito 456). With this form of culture spreading throughout the world, the images presented also spread past Japan’s own jurisdiction. The representation of male and female characters influences consumers abroad, often creating criticism and controversy as to what is the “right” representation of these gendered characters that should be exported, spread, and accepted. As a form of media, anime has the power to produce controlled images of gendered stereotypes. Female characters, particularly, influence the characterization and stereotypical view of women in modern society. In fact, the images presented through Japanese anime have “arguably shaped the identity of modern Japanese women,” thus showing the importance and effect that both problematic and empowering images of female characters can have on society as a whole (Boden 1).
While anime have drastically changed to represent a “large variety of female characters,” there is still a “general disjunction” between the representations of these characters and the identity of real life women (Saito 143). In order to further understand this disjunction, the depiction of women in Japanese anime will be explored throughout this chapter. This chapter is written from an outsider perspective. In other words, this is written from a Western perspective and thus the following interpretations of female representation within Japanese anime may differ from the interpretations of the same female representations from the perspective of a Japanese consumer.
Audience and the Construction of Sex Stereotypes
There are a variety of female representations in Japanese anime because there are so many different genres that cater to various audiences. These various intended audiences construct representations and reinforce sex stereotypes presented through anime. In order to understand why these various representations are considered problematic, it is important to define sex stereotypes. Sex stereotypes are “the uncritical attribution to others of behavioral traits and characteristics typically associated with masculinity and femininity” (Bresnahan et al. 207). Sex stereotypes change depending on the intended audience of the anime. The main audiences that anime studios target are male specific audiences, female specific audiences, and wide audiences (Boden 3-4). The different anime created for these various audiences tend to have their own portrayals of distinct sex stereotypes. Let's look at the construction of identity, particularly female identity, in the anime created for each of these specific audiences.
Anime created for male specific audiences depict its female characters as subservient and secondary, “emphasizing strength, discipline, and hard work as the key to being successful” (Boden 3). In other words, the women usually fill the role of the damsel-in-distress, sexual object, or romantic partner while the men are the heroes. Male characters are “independent, active, muscular, dominant, and concerned about control,” while the female characters are “dependent, sexual, submissive, overly emotional, and approval-seeking” (Bresnahan et al. 208). As is evident, anime intended for male audiences tend to reinforce sex stereotypes for both men and women, potentially even rejecting the independence of women. The construction of these sex stereotypes contributes to the hegemonic view that women are below men. For example, in Dragon Ball Z, a friend of the male protagonist is a female inventor. While she is intelligent and extremely gifted at her trade, she does not have equal status in comparison to her male counterparts and always requires saving when she is put into a dangerous situation (Boden 3).While this represents a female character with an untraditional career, the creators of Dragon Ball Z rob her of her independence because she is so reliant on the male protagonists. Thus, in male specific anime, viewers see an “unequal relationship where women are second to men in a world dominated by patriarchy” (Boden 3).
Figure 1. Dragon Ball Z is an example of an anime meant for male audiences. Here, you can see the male protagonist, Goku, saving the female inventor, Bulma.
Anime intended for female audiences both reject and support female sex stereotypes. Female characters in these anime can range from the dependent damsel-in-distresses to the strong lead character with an untraditional role. For example, in the series Kodomo no Omocha, the main character is “loud, outspoken, and not intimidated by anyone,” while her mother is “intelligent, in control, and the men are more likely to be subservient to her than anything else” (Boden 3).While these two characters alone reject many of the sex stereotypes assigned to women, there are still women within the show that embody the more traditional sex stereotypes. The main character’s female teacher “cries and runs to another male teacher for assistance” whenever she runs into trouble, thus asserting her dependence on men (Boden 3). This expresses the duality of female representation shown throughout female specific anime. Certain female characters can be strong, independent, and in charge while other female characters in the same show can be the “powerless onlooker” (Bresnahan et al. 208).
Figure 2. Kodomo no Omocha is an anime intended for female audiences. The main character, Sana, and her mother, Misako, defy typical sex stereotypes.
The anime intended for wider audiences represent a vast array of characters with several different character traits. These wide audience anime are made popular through internationally known studios such as Studio Ghibli or Kyoto Animation, many of which are locally and internationally celebrated (Boden 4). The animations created by these studios have such widespread appeal that they are able to reach audiences of all demographics, resulting in the popularization and financial success in countries abroad. Well-known examples of such animations are the Studio Ghibli films Spirited Away and Princess Mononoke, which will be explored later in this chapter. Many of these wide audience anime have female characters that reject typical sex stereotypes. These animations are able to give characters any attribute; however, as we will see in the aforementioned Studio Ghibli films, they often have multi-faceted characters that reflect a changing Japanese society’s views towards women.
Figure 3. The Studio Ghibli films Princess Mononoke and Spirited Away represent a variety of characters, often having women as their lead characters.
Body Image
The three main audience groups all contain different anime catered to a specific consumer; however, there remains much criticism for anime in general and the representation of the female characters within these animations. One of the biggest issues with female representation in anime is the depiction of the body. In many anime, female characters are shown as having “very thin waists, proportionately large breasts, and inhumanly long legs” (Hewlett 6). Additionally, female characters often have “eyes the size of window panes” (Grigsby 10). These representations are problematic because they are unrealistic (most of these characters are in their early teen years) and they reinforce commonly held stereotypes. Large eyes “emote gentleness and femininity” and are “used to indicate innocence,” all while associating these female characters with “romantic and loving emotions” (Grigsby 10-11). These depictions associate women with strictly feminine characteristics that imply their weakness and dependence. Giving female characters thin waists, large breasts, and long legs, meanwhile, presents young girls with a problematic role model who has an unattainable body.
Figure 4. The most popular representation of a female’s body in anime.
Giving female characters unattainable bodies presents audience members with an unrealistic body standard. Having female representation on screen is great; however, when there are unrealistic body images it becomes dangerous. For example, in the popular anime series Sailor Moon, the main character is a fourteen-year-old girl. When she transforms into the super heroine Sailormoon, she “is more mature...has developed cleavage and a very small waist and wears a significantly shorter skirt” (Grigsby 10). She is a teenager, and yet she has the body of a supermodel. Many critics worry what this kind of representation could have on younger viewers of both Sailor Moon and other similar anime.
Figure 5. As the super heroines the Sailor Scouts, these young teenagers develop mature bodies.
The debate over whether this is a problematic representation stems from the fact that these are anime characters, and “it does not make sense to compare one’s body” to a cartoon character (Hewlett 11). Most anime characters, including male characters, typically have exaggerated features. Due to this, many brush aside the criticism of female body image within anime. But is it that easy? While it might not make sense to compare oneself to an anime character, that does not mean that viewers do not do it. Younger children particularly are “more vulnerable to what is being shown on television because they pick up cues from those who are older, or those who inspire them” (Hewlett 11). Aspiring to be like one’s role model could entail looking similar to them, thus making the unrealistic body image of female anime characters a goal to reach. The combination of the unrealistic body image of female characters and the vulnerability of these younger viewers sends the message that “girls can do anything they want to do! They just have to look a certain way when doing it” (Hewlett 11). Again, this insinuates that women must look a certain way in order to be like their role model. Due to the impressionability of younger viewers, female representation is highly analyzed in order to determine which body standards are too unrealistic for younger audience members.
Depiction of Women
In many anime, women represent controlled, hegemonic images. Other than unrealistic body types, women are presented as materialistic, shallow, boy crazy, and unable to commit any act of violence. By themselves, each of these representations reinforces female characters as weak; however, when they are not represented with any of these stereotypical traits, they often lack any femininity. For example, in some anime, the heroines are career women. While this may seem like a step in the right direction, these same career women are “often portrayed as driven and lacking feminine charm” (Grigsby 7). This implies that working women cannot be womanly in their own right. Being driven, career-oriented, and ambitious prevents a female character from being feminized in anime. This representation reinforces the demure, dependent woman. Should a woman start working and become independent, she loses any form of desirability. Additionally, in popular magical girl anime, the antagonists who happen to be women are “adult women wearing heavy makeup and obsessed with careerism: they are, simply put, the women who failed to be a wife or a mother” (Saito 146). By associating the villains with career-oriented women, anime creators can actually persuade young viewers to only want to be a wife or a mother. As previously mentioned, young viewers are impressionable. Thus, younger audience members may see these characters and, upon realizing they are villains, disassociate with them. This becomes problematic when they forgo a real career in order to be more like their hero, or forgo that same career because they do not want to be like the career-oriented villain.
Another unfavorable representation of women comes in the form of their need to have makeup and jewelry. In the aforementioned magical girl anime, many of these characters “get their power from jewelry and makeup” (Grigsby 15). In these anime, the protagonist typically obtains a super power accidentally, providing evidence for “women’s empowerment in recent Japanese society” (Saito 145). However, when these heroines require makeup or jewelry to gain these powers, the independence and self-worth they and the audience experience is completely ignored because “their magic and their strength do not come from within” (Grigsby 15). Relying on jewelry and makeup actually proposes a materialistic attitude that women must have. In fact, this reliance on materialistic goods portrays the heroine as “a self-indulgent pursuer of fantasies and dreams through consumption of merchandise” (Saito 145).
Figure 6. Women’s dependence on makeup and jewelry presents a reliance on goods rather than on their own power.
Additionally, female representation within anime is exemplified through the “boy crazy” woman and her obsession with romance. Having women obsess over men and romance not only reinforces their dependence on men, but also trivializes anything that they actually accomplish. For example, in Sailor Moon, many of the young Sailor Scouts are depicted as “boy crazy” and “obsessed with romance” (Hewlett 15, 22). Many of the missions they go on and actions they perform are directly correlated with their efforts to fall in love with a boy. Furthermore, several of the boys they pine after are “insulting,” and thus the “relationship between the…characters was reminiscent of the stereotypes that women are attracted to jerks” (Hewlett 15). Portraying these female characters as “boy crazy” and obsessed with falling in love disavows their independence from men and also shows younger audience members that they, too, should be obsessed with boys and chase romance in order to feel accomplished.
Figure 7. Many female characters in anime are depicted as “boy crazy” and “obsessed with romance.”
Effects of Sex Stereotypes and the Acceptance of Gender Roles
The hegemonic sex stereotypes in anime can have huge implications when applied to the world audience. As discussed with respect to body image, young audience members are highly susceptible to what their role models do on screen. As a result, they are more likely to act in a certain way if they see a hero that they admire have the same characteristic. The gender schema theory offers a useful perspective about media images of gendered roles. This theory states that, “people internalize and continue to modify perceptions of male and female traits, behaviors, and roles derived from multiple sources of daily experience” (Bresnahan et al. 208). Thus, if viewers see several representations of stereotypical female characters, they will be more likely to embody these characteristics in their own life. Likewise, a number of studies have shown “shown that attitudes about gender are often reinforced by stereotypical depiction of gender in the medias” (Bresnahan et al. 209). This means that not only will young audience members be more likely to embody these stereotypical characteristics, but also their peers will be more likely to accept them and form their own prejudices.
In fact, a study by Mary Bresnahan, Yasuhiro Inoue, and Naomi Kagawa in 2006 showed that “media images…have been associated with negative behavioral outcomes.” Additionally, in their interviews with American and Japanese respondents, the participants described female sex roles as “domestic, emotional, prone to nagging…concerned with the family, and encouraging kids to study” (Bresnahan et al. 212). The results showed similar hegemonic characteristics, with males having “power and privilege,” and females having “subordination and eroticism,” suggesting that “women are less capable and competitive compared to men” (Bresnahan et al. 213). If these characteristics are present in Japan and America then what about the rest of the world? It is likely that similar prejudices are persistent throughout the world, which is why these problematic sex stereotypes cause such harm to those who watch. Furthermore, these representations can “teach girls to pursue fashion, romance, and consumption until marriage and, once married, to stay at home as a good wife and mother,” again showing that sex stereotypes can create the expectation for women to have a domestic role for the majority of their lives (Saito 146). While anime is meant to be entertaining for children, the images presented can “convey messages about gender roles reflecting standardized social norm” that become dubious when juxtaposed with the progression of women, women’s rights, and the roles of women in modern society (Saito 147).
Rejection of Sex Stereotypes: Female Characters Fight Back
While female representation in Japanese anime may sound like it reinforces negative stereotypes of women, there are actually multitudes of anime that present female characters flagrantly denying and altering these stereotypes to create a new normal. Most common in wide audience anime, these characters often embody untraditional roles and characteristics in order to show audience members positive female portrayals on screen. For example, new heroines exhibit “pro-social behaviors” that are “desirable and beneficial to other individuals and to society at large” (Ramasubramanian and Kornfield 191). Characteristics involved with these behaviors include determination, loyalty, bravery and independence; however, they are also kind, nurturing, and friendly (Ramasubramanian and Kornfield 191). These character traits give these female characters autonomy over their lives. They are not dependent on others, and are able to make decisions by themselves. In essence, they reflect real-life women today.
In addition to exhibiting pro-social behaviors, many female anime characters hold nontraditional positions. While there are several instances of stereotype reinforcement within anime, there are many instances of women playing roles other than just the damsel-in-distress or the sexual object. For example, in many of Hayao Miyazaki’s films from Studio Ghibli, there are multiple roles for women that are typically held by men. For instance, women “defend causes, do jobs, govern micro-territories, and form social communities” (Rifa-Valls 93). One film that has two female characters as its leads is Princess Mononoke. One of the protagonists, San, and the antagonist, Lady Eboshi, “both exemplify strong, powerful women, sure of themselves and their world” (Boden 4). Lady Eboshi, herself, is in charge of a profitable ironworks factory and uses her position in society to help those considered “unworthy,” lepers and prostitutes. San, meanwhile, lives in the forest, having been raised by wolf gods, and follows “a more natural way of life” (Boden 4). These two come into conflict as Lady Eboshi destroys the forest that San lives in, leading to a violent confrontation at the climax of the film. Presenting these two women at the center of the film, and at the center of violence, Miyazaki “defamiliarizes the idea of (Japanese) women as passive and domesticated by representing women as leading governments and supporting violence” (Rifa-Valls 94). Miyazaki’s representation of female characters occupying any position in society assists in deconstructing female stereotypes. In fact, many of Miyazaki and Studio Ghibli anime films display “spirited, capable individuals full of ribaldry and spunk,” that reflect the changing Japanese society and empowerment of women (Rifa-Valls 93).
Figure 8. In Princess Mononoke, both San (top) and Lady Eboshi represent strong, independent women.
The presence of untraditional roles held by women within anime lead to the representation of female characters as action heroes and role models. Having diverse representation on screen allows audience members to bond with any number of these characters. The aforementioned pro-social behaviors outlined in the previous section present positive characteristics that make “pro-social characters...essentially positive role models” (Ramasubramanian and Kornfield 191). As many young girls today “want to be just as strong as boys,” these characters give younger audience members strong heroes to look up to rather than the subordinate, sexualized damsel-in-distress (Grigsby 9). Identifying and bonding with these characters cause audience members to “move from appreciating the heroine’s pro-social qualities, to wishfully identifying with them, to a more direct imitation of their ideal heroine” (Ramasubramanian and Kornfield 195). The identification with these characters occurs because of their relatability. They “exhibit consistent and thorough pro-social behaviors” that “enables them to function as relatable role models since they are similar to the audience members” (Ramasubramanian and Kornfield 204). Audience members can identify these pro-social characteristics within themselves, thereby bonding and identifying with a character.
However, critics of such representations of women argue that empowering women causes them to become less feminine. Indeed, in Japanese-influenced anime like The Powerpuff Girls, there seems to be “tensions between female empowerment and conventional femininity” (Kirkland 12). Even in Princess Mononoke, neither San nor Lady Eboshi exhibits typical forms of femininity. San herself is “constructed in otherness,” and Lady Eboshi embodies the “entrepreneurial mindset” (Rifa-Valls 94; Boden 4). Why, though, can these two characters not represent empowerment and femininity? Miyazaki himself said, “San represents the capacity of women to be strong in the dwelling of the traditional, while Lady Eboshi is an example of how women can be successful and entrepreneurial in the face of modernisation” (Boden 4). Empowered women are thought to not be able to represent femininity because it is not traditional femininity that they are embodying. Whereas men were considered dominant in pre-modern Japan, women are now challenging the stereotypical roles of the past.
Additionally, there is an argument that the Disney princesses provide younger audience members with proper role models due to their individuality, thus not needing characters from Japanese anime. However, Disney princesses are all “based on a perverse appropriation of classic stories the recreation of stereotyped ‘feminine’ identities reproducing sexism and the heteropatriarchal logic” (Rifa-Valls 91). In other words, the princesses are all represented in the same way, “they are identical, they desire the same man” (Rifa-Valls 91). Thus, the argument becomes whether or not Disney can provide younger audience members with proper role models that display a wide variety of character representation similar to Japanese anime. Whereas Disney often “turns ‘girl power’ into consumer power,” Japanese anime focuses on the character, enabling them to represent a diverse multitude of characters and occupations (Ramasubramanian and Kornfield 192). These representations reflect a change in society and society’s views towards women.
Importance of Female Lead Characters and the Emergence of Girl Power
As mentioned previously, many of the female lead characters in Japanese anime, such as those in the Studio Ghibli films, reject commonly held stereotypes of female characters. The presence of these women, such as the pirate-mother Dola in Castle in the Sky or the airplane designer Fio Piccolo in Porco Rosso, show audience members that they can do anything they want (Rifa-Valls 93).
Figure 9. Hayao Miyazaki, the co-founder of Studio Ghibli, regularly includes female lead characters in his films.
Additionally, as female lead characters defeat enemies, it “represents...a victory for women in a culture where femininity continues to be associated with weakness, triviality, and dependence” (Kirkland 11). In fact, the increased positive portrayals of feminism, femininity, and gender in Japanese anime “shows that girls can still act and dress like girls, and portray the strengths of all humans” (Hewlett 14). Essentially, these characters make characteristics applicable to both men and women. This creates a level of equality between female and male characters that has not been present before. The disassociation with ideas of weakness gives younger audience members a strong hero who they can identify with.
Figure 10. Positive portrayals of women show that they can dress like a girl while still portraying strength.
The inclusion of a female lead character also represents the move from the private to the public sphere. Representing women as the heroes moves them out of the home, where they are only concerned with “interpersonal relations...family and romance” (Grigsby 12). The move from the private to the public sphere additionally shows that women can contribute to the world and have positive impacts on it. They can help the greater good through interactions with others. Indeed, in certain studies, “female characters are often regarded as reflections or ideal models of actual women” (Saito 145). These female characters represent ideal models while also challenging the patriarchal society it is situated in, which lead to the creation of the ideological girl power.
Girl power is defined as “autonomy and self-determination that exploits traditional signifiers of femininity and playfully confronts traditions considered sexist or repressive” (Kirkland 10). This, again, reflects a changing Japanese society because popular culture is now recognizing that women can do anything they want to do. Similarly, they are being treated similar to men in media. The presence of characters that embody this girl power allows females to finally escape the hegemonic sex stereotypes by having a variety of representation to combat patriarchal control that positions them as subservient and dependent. Embodying girl power also allows for the inclusion of characters that represent real women today, or the idea that women can be and do anything that they want to do. For example, in Kiki’s Delivery Service, the main character earns a living by herself and becomes independent of others, while Lisa in Ponyo supports her family by herself (Rifa-Valls 93). These two characters alone show that representations of female characters have evolved from the stereotypical damsel-in-distress, providing “evidence for women’s empowerment in recent Japanese society” (Saito 145).
Figure 11. Kiki, of Kiki’s Delivery Service, represents a woman who has become independent, representing empowerment and today’s society.
Conclusion
In conclusion, there are many issues with female representation in Japanese anime. Many anime intended for male audiences show women with problematic body images that present audience members with unrealistic body standards, supporting hegemonic sex stereotypes. Different depictions of women show them as shallow, materialistic, and obsessed with men, indicating that women exist for the sole purpose of love and romance. Again, this presents issues for younger audience members as they look up to these characters as role models. When they see characters without real ambition towards careers, or with large breasts at the age of fourteen, audience members see what is wrong with them and seek to change that aspect of their lives. However, there have been increasing representations of female characters that reject the stereotypical sex stereotypes and represent pro-social traits that more properly align with real women in Japanese society today. Female lead characters provide role models for audience members to look up to that are not damsel-in-distresses or materialistic, love-obsessed teenagers. They look up to career women and women with strong moral compasses, in turn leading to the emergence of girl power.
The need for increased representation of strong female characters on screen is due to the impressionability of younger audience members. If these young girls see someone like San and identify with her, they connect with a character that is not defined by typical femininity. In other words, they have identified with this character because of their nature rather than because of the way they look. More representations that we have seen in Studio Ghibli films and, to an extent, in Sailor Moon are needed because they provide younger audience members with role models that defy typical femininity and represent real women in society. Empowering female characters will, in turn, empower the audience. This reflects the changing Japanese society and its views towards women and how they should act. No longer are they seen as subservient as they were in the past. They are emerging, stronger and more independent than before.
Through reading this chapter, it is important to remember that it is written from an outsider perspective. This means that this etic perspective is vastly different from the emic, insider perspective. However, upon communication with Japanese college students at the International Christian University in Tokyo, they found it interesting to even compare the representation of girls in different anime (Kawahara). Due to this, it becomes apparent that intended audience is significant in the analysis of different anime. For this reason, when analyzing different anime, it is imperative to know the intended audience.
Chapter 3: Creating a Fantasy-The World of Yaoi
Introduction
It can be viewed as a modern day reworking of the myth of unmatchable femininity where the ideal seem to be that the characters involved are more beautiful than women (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 169). Since its inception in the 1970s, yaoi has been a safe space for women.
Yaoi is a popular genre of Japanese anime and manga that depicts highly sexualized and romanticized male on male relationships for the female gaze (Zanghellini, ‘Boys love,’ 280). The genre of yaoi can be characterized as idealized male homosexual relationships intended for a female audience. Not only is the audience predominantly female, but females are also the producers of yaoi works (Nagaike 76). The producer and viewer relationship of by the audience for the audience is what makes yaoi a unique genre of anime and element of Japanese pop-culture and media.
A proper understanding of the history and different aesthetic aspects of yaoi and the intersectionality between the two is necessary when analyzing the remarkable popularity of a genre developed for and by Japanese women. yaoi is actually an acronym for YAma nashi (no climax), Ochi nashi (no point), Imi nashi (no meaning) and has been labeled a genre of female fantasy (McLelland, Local Meanings in Public Spaces). Rather than focusing on strong plots and storytelling, the genre of yaoi focuses instead on the relationships between characters. Specifically, it emphasizes the sexual tensions and encounters between its male characters. The genre is a relatively new one, only being coined and named as a genre in the 1980s (Mizoguchi 50). It is is believed to have been heavily influenced and motivated into creation by author Mori Mari' s trilogy of male homosexuality (Nagaike 76). Almost a decade after the release of Kareha no nedoko (The bed of withered leaves), Nichiyõbi ni boku wa ikanai (I'm not coming on Sunday) and Koibitotachi no mori (The lovers' forest) in the late 1960s, came the “wave of yaoi” (Nagaike, 76).
Fig. 1. An example of a typical depiction of male characters in yaoi as bishounen or pretty boys.
The Producers
Female Japanese artists started producing the first mangas resembling the genre of yaoi in the early 1970s (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 169). Originally this genre was known as shounen-ai or love between beautiful boys (McLelland, The World of Yaoi, 10 ). The creation of this genre was a reaction by female audiences and thus artists against the previously formulaic and stereotyped portrayals of heterosexual relationships and love stories that were being marketed to female audiences (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 169). In the second half of the 1970s, Kurimoto Kaoru published Mayonaka no tenshi (Midnight angel-1979) and manga artists followed by issuing a succession of male homosexual works that are now highly acclaimed such as: Takemiya Keiko's Kaze to ki no uta (The song of the wind and the tree-1976), Hagio Moto's Tóma no shinzõ (The heart of Thomas, 1974) and Yamagishi Ryoko's Hiizuru tokoro no tenshi (The prince of the land of sunrise-1980) (Nagaike 77).
Following the release and growing popularity of these male homosexual works came the creation and publication of the magazine June in 1979 (Nagaike 77 ). This journal was the first yaoi magazine in Japan and it created a popular outlet and form of public distribution for female fantasies of male homosexulity. Presently, the yaoi genre has grown as it includes a large variety and number of comic books, novels, and magazines all centered around male same-sex relationships (Nagaike 77). As with most anime, the popularity of yaoi manga lead to the generation of animated versions of the popular stories.
The term yaoi is actually a derogatory term. The an acronym and its meaning was originally intended to make fun of the genres poor in storytelling techniques as, at first, the genre was viewed as pornographic parodies of popular animation shows in which fabricated relationships between lead characters were created (Nagaike 77). Though the names inception was derogatory, the term became widely used to refer to this genre of fictional male homosexual romance created by and for women. A popular author and fan of yaoi , Sakakibara Shihomi, suggests that the name was of the genre was used and accepted because there was no other term to override the popularity of the derogatory name available once the genre became popular (Mizoguchi 50). Once the popularity and massive commercialization of the genre took place in the 1990s, the name yaoi was too well known and recognizable to be changed (Mizoguchi 50).
The focus on male same-sex relationships has been explained by how the young female fans of yaoi feel more able to imagine and depict idealized strong and free characters if they are male rather than female (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 279). This is historically similar to the tradition of males performing as females in Kabuki theatre. In this way, yaoi enables its females audience to “actualize and aesthetic experience” (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 279).
Fig. 2. Another depiction of a bishounen couple in yaoi The beauty of the characters in yaoi is preferred by its female audience.
The Audience
So how does yaoi attract its female audiences? Findings from ethnographic research suggest that female fans are attracted to yaoi as a genre because of the pleasure of voyeurism and pleasure of subversion (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 279). In her ethnographic research into the yaoi female fandom, Sueen Noh describes the pleasures of voyeurism and subversion. The pleasure of voyeurism is acquired by watching romantic and sexual relationships, homosexual relationships with regards to the genre of yaoi (Noh 19). In addition to the pleasure of voyeurism, yaoi is able to hold its audience by the added addition of the pleasure of subversion (Noh 11). Noh uses how Mulvey’s “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema” illuminates the idea that popular media produces media for the male gaze and thus male desires to explain the pleasure of subversion found in yaoi (Noh 13). In typical Japanese media, women are the object of sexual objectification as this is what the male gaze finds pleasing (Noh 13). Yaoi deviates from the hegemonic construction of society and this subversion from normative mentality is inviting and enjoyed by yaoi ’s female audiences. The context of yaoi is “female-oriented, and is thus deeply intertwined with what Alice Jardine calls the ‘gynesis’ of the female subconscious” (Nagaike, 2003).
Yaoi as an Erotic Escape
There is no denial that the subject matter of yaoi is that of highly sexual relationships between males. Eroticism of its characters and male same-sex relations are central to the genre. Many of critics and fans even consider yaoi as pornographic as many anime and manga explicitly depict homosexual sex. Yaoi is often considered as pornographic representations of women's desires and an “escape from the patriarchal schema” (Nagaike 80). Yaoi fans seem to be unapologetic and openly point out that they find the genre and content arousing (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 282). Yaoi serves to create a feeling of fantasy for its female audiences allowing for escape from the realities of the patriarchal Japanese society. In yaoi , women are not objectified and/or sexually abused or the submissive characters as they are commonly portrayed in heterosexual love stories. The switch in gender of the submissive and the switch from heterosexual to homosexual relationships furthers the sense of non-reality and fantasy for the female audience.
The establishment of yaoi as fantastical allows its viewers to escape their feelings of guilt and shame (Nagaike 84). Unlike heterosexual scenarios, in the fantasy world of yaoi , women are able to enjoy what they are viewing without considering the disadvantages and suffering of some of the characters (Nagaike 84). They become separate from the “mystified female sexual identity” of heterosexual plots (Nagaike 84). The audience can momentarily escape from their our sexual repression as the repression associated with sex in these narratives is instead projected onto the male characters. This is because the male characters in yaoi are not feminized. They are physically and visually male and the fact that they are not female furthers the sense of female liberation from feelings of guilt (Nagaike 84-85). Further evidence of this is seen in how viewers do not like feminized male characters. Fans dislike female-like qualities in characters and see them as intrusions because they feel that it “echoes the conventional female characters” of anime that the genre aims to stride from (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 287). This genre attracts its fans based on the notion that it portrays male same-sex intimacy, so it is necessary that the characters in yaoi anime have masculine characteristics that keep them recognizable as males throughout the anime.
In the realm of sexual fantasy that is yaoi , ethical principles are not strongly considered. The element of fantasy excuses and overrides some moral codes. This exclusion of morals allows the viewer to get past the ethical implications surrounding sexual scenarios including incest and underage sex (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 167). With yaoi , ethical principles are out of place and fans prefer a lack of justification of action as they find it to take away from the anime. Fan testimonials show that yaoi is a world of sexual fantasy where moral codes are disregarded:
“I gave Pico to Chico an A because it managed to be dirty, cute and simple . . . Also there no angst, no back story and no attempt at justifying or condemning their actions. Adding any of that to Pico to Chico would have ruined the whole thing. (Aoishounen, Pico to Chico)” (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 282).
While fans are able to separate the ethical codes of reality from the realm of fantasy in which yaoi takes place, not all morals of the audience are easily forgotten while viewing. While yaoi fans agree that the point of the genre is merely that of creating a space for the representation of fantasies free from normative judgement, many also admit that there are moments of judgment by the viewer (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 284). For example, yaoi anime does not ever signify rape as acceptable or hatred as a positive human expression (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 284). Instead, these elements are included to develop and drive the narrative rather than to challenge the established norms of sexual morality (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 284). For example, the combination of a destructive emotion, such as hate, with love and passion leads to the special appeal of some yaoi anime:
“Ah, Takaya and Naoe. Their relationship is the central driving force of the series. 400 years of emotional baggage – hate and love, obsession, betrayal and need. Wonderfully perverse stuff . . . Hooray for passionately twisted relationships! (Whizzy, Mirage of Blaze)” (Zanghellini, ‘Boys love,’ 284).
While many yaoi anime are appealing by how they draw on and manipulate established moral codes rather than to fully countering a normative set of values, they also gain appeal by relying on well-established romance scripts. The theme of these scripts is that of the pursuer and the pursued (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 284). Conventional relationships portrayed in yaoi involves a seme and a uke where the seme is that attacker and the uke is the receiver (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 169). The words seme and uke come from martial arts tradition in Japan and have long been used to describe intimate relationships (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 169).
Role Playing and Romance Scripting
The seme and uke scripting in yaoi resembles that of “historical archetypes examples of homoerotic love” and pairings (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 169). An example of these “historical archetypes” dates back to the 13th century as the relationship between a samurai and his younger apprentice (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 169). In addition to the samurai connection, the seme and uke relationship also recognizable and comparable to the male relationships seen in buddhist monasteries between the priests and their acolytes (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 170).
In addition to resembling historical examples of same-sex pairing regional to Japan, the seme and uke dynamic is also extremely similar to same-sex romancing in ancient Greece (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 285). The relationship between men and young boys was not frowned upon in Ancient Greece and instead was viewed as a very noble association (Cantarella). It was seen as a “means of education and spiritual exaltation” however, further investigation suggests that these relationships were often “more than pedagogic and platonic” (Cantarella). In addition to resembling modes of same-sex romancing in Ancient Greece, the seme and uke structure and role division is also similar. This is evident in how in ancient Greece, the relationship was structured around the erastes, the lover, and the eromenos, the beloved (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 285). The hierarchical structures are also similar in that both involve an older male pursuing and actively making love to a younger male (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 285).
Fig. 3. Image of male homosexuality as art in Ancient Greece and its commonality. Homosexuality in Ancient Greece was not frowned upon, but instead publicly celebrates.
In the seme and uke drynamic of yaoi there are clearly defined roles and expectations of each person involved in the relationship. The seme does. He is the pursuer, the romancer and the the one who penetrates (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 285). Meanwhile, in compliment to the seme, the uke is as he is the younger, more vulnerable character and more likely to be a bishounen or beautiful boy (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 285). All of these qualities of the uke make him into “suitable object of both the seme’s erotic interest and his vows to protect him” (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’ 285). Audience view of the seme and the uke as individuals and as a duo is significant to the success of a yaoi . The seme is the character for which the audience desires while the uke is the character that the audience identifies with. This combination of desire and reliability are what creates a success yaoi couple.
Fig. 4. A example of the visual age difference between the seme and uke in yaoi anime with the uke appearing younger and more innocent.
In order for the seme-uke relationship to work in yaoi , the uke must be younger or at least appear younger than the seme. The uke must also come across as vulnerable, less experienced and needing of protection or guidance by the seme (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 171). This means that the uke must be physically smaller, shorter and somewhat more feminine in appearance in comparison to the seme (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 171). In the world of anime, the eyes are an important signal of who a character is. Big eyes convey a sense of gentleness, femininity and innocence in anime (Grigsby 10-11). In yaoi anime, the symbolic meaning behind eye size is also seen. This is evident in how within the seme and uke pairings, the uke always has the bigger eyes and the largeness of eyes is not hard to miss (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 171).
Kawaii Influences
The big eye and bishounen trends in yaoi are not unique to the genre or anime as a whole. They are part of a larger Japanese pop culture trend known as kawaii (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance, 163). In the 1980s, this “cute craze” or kawaii became extremely popular in Japan. Cheeriness and cutesy-ness were considered “in” while cynicism, introspection, and anything thought as heavy and depressing fell out of favor in pop culture. The cultural category of kawaii is central to understanding of Japanese society, from the aesthetics to the ethics. Even for non-Japanese audiences, kawaii seems to elicit highly desirable affects, so much so that it appears to have redeeming and excusable qualities. It redeems hardcore sex as well as a lack thereof in yaoi by keeping the audience visually engaged:
“Overall this anime is amazing and cute beyond all else . . . Okay, the sex scenes in this one aren’t explicit, but hey, it’s cute anyway. . . . (Kiko Tag, Jounjou Romantica)” (Zanghellini, ‘Boys love,’ 290).
The kawaii elements of yaoi provide something to watch that is visually engaging and also creates an aesthetic experience for the viewer. The Kawaii aspect of yaoi and Japanese anime as a whole is appreciated by both its Japanese and western fans.
Fig. 5. This is the character known as "Honey." He is depicted in kawaii style as a uke with his large eyes, smaller build, and overall cutesy appearance. Honey is an 18 year old character.
The kawaii trend in Japan has lead the image of sexuality to become youthful and cute. This is evident in yaoi characters looking younger than they actually are. This is present in the depictions of both the uke and the seme. Yaoi is about fantasy and escape for the female audience and the kawaii elements add to this fantasy by further separating the realm of yaoi from reality. Female yaoi fans communicate their sexual desires and fantasies through the representations of male homoerotic/homosexual romance characters and these representations are far from real-life (Mizoguchi 66).
While yaoi is popular among its female Japanese fans, it is not considered widely popular or even always accepted by the anime community and greater Japanese society (Mizoguchi 65-66). This is because of the sexually explicit content involving male same-sex relationships. While yaoi is not gay anime, understanding Japanese attitudes towards homosexuality is crucial to understanding why some are not welcoming of the content in yaoi.
History of Homosexuality in Japan
During the Tokugawa Era (1603-1868) in Japan, male homosexual relationships were common among samurai (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). Buddhist monasteries embraced it, and male brothels associated with Kabuki theaters flourished (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). Male homosexuality was thought to be useful in teaching young men morals such as virtue, honest, respect, and appreciation for beauty (Zanghellini, Underage Sex and Romance,169). It was acceptable for men to love other men so long as it did not interfere with the idea of the family. Men involved in homosexual relationship were still expected to have wives and families. Homosexuality wasn’t the binary it is now (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). It was only considered to be a small aspect of a person’s character and responsibilities rather than an entire identity (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). It is also important to note that during this time period, relationships with women were devalued and viewed as only necessary for the continued existence of the household (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). Around the time of the Meiji Restoration (1868) the prominence of homosexuality in Japan began to decline.
Fig. 6. Tokugawa style art depicting women's place as the home as caregivers and keepers of the house.
In modern day Japan, homosexuality is not well accepted. Unlike in the United States, this fear doesn’t come from religion. Exclusive homosexuality is feared in Japan because it breaks traditional gender expectations and the social roles demanded by a culture that is centered around the family (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). It is not uncommon for Japanese families to disown gays and lesbians within the family as it is believed that they bring dishonor to the family with their inability to continue the family lineage and uphold specific duties (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). The negativity surrounding being homosexual in Japan from families and the greater society is so strong that Japanese sexual minorities have high suicide rates (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). But Japanese society is slowly responding and moving towards being more accepting of homosexuality. For example, in the summer of 2015, the Shibuya Ward district of Japan recognized same-sex civil unions and there has been increased attendance at annual Pride Festivals with only 15,000 people having participated in the Tokyo Pride Festival in 2010 and 55,000 attended in 2015(Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan).
Fig. 7. Image from 2015 Tokyo Pride Parade.
Emic perspectives into how people in Japan see yaoi as different than representation of gay relationships:
"While yaoi/boy's love is an extremely popular genre in manga, there are very few adaptations or animes that depict a homosexual relationship. Even when there are, the relationships are only implied." -Marina Nakagawa, ICU Student in Tokyo, Japan
"When it comes to things like homosexuality in Japan, it's interesting to see the contrast between pop culture's representation of it and the common conservative views people hold. For example, it would not be uncommon to find somebody who enjoys reading yaoi/boy's love manga and yet is not aware of the movement for legalising same-sex marriage in Japan. Perhaps because yaoi is written by women for women (as mentioned in your presentation), there is a detachment from the idealised manga world and the actual realities faced by the LGBT community in Japan."-Samu F. Boyne
Clearly, there is a cultural distinction in Japan and a separation of yaoi and the gay community. However, though yaoi is not the platform of media exposure for gay rights, homosexual relationships have recently become incorporated into the storylines of other anime genres. An example of this shift is seen with the sports anime Yuri on Ice in there are male homosexual relationships (Kincade, Homosexuality in Japan). This anime is not considered a yaoi anime and is instead categorized as a sports anime. Additionally, the characters are not hyper-sexualized or forced into strict roles. This may be a step towards increased mainstream representation of homosexual men in pop media.
Conclusion
While attitudes towards homosexuality may be shifting in Japan, the attitudes of yaoi fans and producers are not in that they hold strong to the fact that yaoi is not gay or intended for gay audiences and it is also wrong to jump to the conclusion that the appeal of yaoi to straight women is comparable to the appeal of watching lesbian porn for straight men (Zanghellini, ‘Boys Love,’289). This is a common misconception. The appeal of yaoi comes from a freedom to read, watch or creating popular cultural texts and being able to apply one's own perspective on the story (Noh 17-18). Yaoi offers women, a social minority in Japan, a way to subvert the hegemonic society they live in and offers them the ability to be active both as the producers and consumers.